New convention of Notables. Great questions relative to the organization of the States General, which agitate the whole kingdom of France. King resigns himself entirely to the advice of M. Neckar. That minifter takes a decided part in favour of the double representation of the commons; but gives no opinion on other questions of great importance, which are left, in the event, to chance. Notables, as well as the parliament of Paris, frongly recommend, that the confiitution of the 1614 fhould be the model for the new convention of the fates; with which the scheme of a double reprefentation directly militates. Parliament of Paris endeavour to recover their popularity by issuing an arret, which, if adopted, might be confidered as the Magna Charta of French liberty. Treated with the utmost contempt by the popular parties, as falling short of their views. Violent jealonfies and diffenfions between the three orders which were to compofe the ftates. Nobles, odious in the extreme. Dukes and peers offer to contribute a due proportion to the public expenses; and a fimilar disposition seems general among the nobles; but this difpofition appears too late to afford fatisfaction. Nobility, goaded by numberless attacks, publish a declaration of their rights, which renders them ftill more odious. Divifions and jealoufies among themfelves at this critical period. Diffentions in the parlia ments. Clergy as little united as the nobles. Curates, or parish priefs, difpofed to fide with the commons, or third eftate, Commons wish that the three orders fhould fit in one chamber, deliberate in common, and vote by heads, instead of voting by orders, according to former practice. Strongly oppofed by the nobles. In the provincial affembly of the fates of Dauphiny, the nobles and clergy coalefce with the commons, and thereby establish a precedent contrary to the general fenfe of their orders. Differences between the nobles and commons of Britany rife jo high as to carry the appearance of a civil war. Count d'Artois, with the princes of Condé, and Conti, (who are called the Triumvirate) prefent a memorial to the king, which increases the popular odium against them to the highest pitch. Measures purfued by the duke of Orleans to acquire popularity in Paris. M. Neckar blamed for not having used any means to reconcile the jarring factions, or to allay the national ferment, previous to the elections. He prefents a memorial to the king, firongly urging the measure of double representation, and making himself responsible for its confequences. King accordingly issues a decree for that purpofe; but leaves, undecided and open, the very important and critical questions, relative to the manner of voting, and to the fitting of the flates in one, or in three chambers. Unfortunate and ruinous confequences of this omission of the minifier's. Some well-intended fehemcs for for amending the conflitution, which were fubfequently propofed, but rejected. Ancient practice and nature of the Cahiers, or infiructions given by the electors to their deputies in the flates. Nobles bound by oath not to fit or vote in one common assembly. Aphorific statement of the views of the different parties. Some farther particulars relative to them. Most of the deputies to the fates arrive at Verfailles, but the delays caufed by the elections in Paris prevent their opening the assembly. Some explanation of the terms Primary Affemblies, and Primary Elections, with the manner of their application. Violent riot in Paris, and much blood shed. TE obferved in our first chap WE in our har had at equal both in number? hundred deputies, which would the beginning of winter fummoned a new convention of Notables, in order to receive their opinion and advice, on feveral fubjects relative to the convocation of the states general. Two great queftions were at iffue between the three orders or claffes from which that body was to be drawn, namely the nobles, the clergy, and the tiers l'etat, or commons; and thefe neceffarily agitated the whole nation. The first was, Whether the deputies of the three orders of the ftate fhould meet together in one affembly, in which all the concentrated powers of the States General fhould refide? or, Whether they should be divided, as they had been in the last meeting, in 1614, into three chambers, through each of which a refolution must be carried (or at leaft through two of them) before it became the acknowledged act of the ftates? Voting by heads was the term applied to the first of thefe alternatives, and voting by orders, to the fecond. The next question was, Whether the number of deputies from each of the orders fhould be the fame as in 1614, which was about three hundred of each? or, Whether, the clergy and nobles still adhering to their former numbers, the third estate should be allowed to fend fix This was called the double reprefentation of the people. And the gaining of this point was not only the great and principal object m view with the third eftate, but united the wishes of the republican party, and of all the factious throughout the kingdom, under whatever denominations they were claffed. This was deemed, even by moderate men, in fome degree neceffary, as it was generally taken for granted, and the court itfelf most unwifely adopted the opinion, that the clergy and nobles, being privileged bodies, would coalefce, and a nearly, if not entirely, together; fo that forming two bodies to one, and amounting to about double in number, whether they voted by orders or by heads, it was fuppofed that they would carry every queftion against the commons. But if the double reprefentation took place, the commons would then have 600 votes to oppose the 300 of each other order, and they were fure of defertions from each; particularly that many of the curates would join them; while they had nothing lefs than a certainty that the members of their own order would hold well together. But to render the double reprefentation entirely effective, and the fuperiority of the third eftate com plete, plete and lafting, another great point was to be gained, of fcarce lefs importance than the former. This was the amalgamation, as it was called, of the three orders in one aflembly; whereby, fitting together, without any diftinction, in the fame chamber, they fhould vote by heads, and the majority of votes, without any regard to orders, he of courfe conclufive. The real views in this design were very well covered, by a reference to the conduct of the ancient ftates general, who, with very few exceptions, had been rendered totally ufelefs to the nation, through the idle difputes and ridiculous quarrels which continually took place between the different orders, relative to privileges and other matters of no public moment, whereby their time being wafted, and deliberations diftracted, they at length became as odious to the people as to the crown itfelf; the former grudging the expenfe' they were put to by convocations which they found by experience to be totally unprofitable. This evil, whether juftly or not, was induftrioufly reprefented to the public, and by men not deftitute of ability, as proceeding entirely, from the ancient ftates general being claffed in different orders, and fitting in different chambers; while they held out, that the fyftem of amalgamation would prevent the poffibility of fuch difputes. On these questions the king's abfolute authority was equally appealed to by all the parties for a final decifion; the plenitude of his power not being yet openly queftioned by any. On the other hand, the flovereign refigned himself entirely to the advice of Mr. Neckar in every thing relative to this fubject, whofe popularity he thought would afford a fanction to whatever was covered by his name, and thereby prove the means of procuring him that quiet and eafe in government which he wifhed beyond all things. That minifter, whofe real or fuppofed talents for finance and political economy had, along with a number of fortuitous circunftances, railed him to a degree of public opinion and credit which has not often been equalled, found himself entirely out of his element when he became involved in the untried and difficult fcience of political legiflation. Surrounded and overawed by powerful and eager factions, unable to fathom their defigns, and incapable even of fufpecting their infidious views, he was liable to fall into every fnare which was laid for him. As vanity poffeffed no fmall share in his compofition, it laid him the more open to be played upon. Standing as he did, the minifter of the people, and owing his elevation to them, that circumftance alone, independent of education and habit, could not but give him a ftrong bias to the popular party. Honeft himself, and moderate in all his views, he feems to have built too much upon the rectitude of others, and not to have been aware that the defigns of men often extended far beyond their prefent avowal or action. With thefe difpofitions, Mr. Neckar wished to make great conceffions to gratify and fatisfy the people, and to render their future condition happy; but he was at the fame time equally intent to preferve the prerogatives, rights, and authority of the crown undiminished, in all things which were neceffary to give effect and energy to good good government. He probably did not with that the crown fhould have the power of doing wrong in any effential matters; and he still lef's intended that the ancient rights of the fovereignty fhould be fubverted. In the purfuit of this fyftem, it is now evident, that he was deficient with refpect to fteadinefs, courage, and fagacity, and nothing can be more clear than that he did not foresee the confequences of his own most favourite measures. Wifhing to please all parties, he temporized, and loft the opinion and confidence of all; and while he earneftly endeavoured to establish order, good temper, and good government in the kingdom, he unfortunately, but unwittingly, became, in no fmall degree, the inftrument of the mifchief and confufion which followed. With respect to the queftions which now fo much agitated the nation, that minifter never gave any decided opinion upon the fubjects, either of the ftates voting by heads or by claffes; of their fitting in one chamber or in three; nor of their amalgamation; but with refpect to the double reprefentation of the commons, he took a moft decided part in favour of that meafore, and perfevered in it with no fmall degree of pertinacity. The notables were of a directly contrary opinion. They recommended the conftitution of 1614, as the model by which the prefent convocation of the ftates fhould be regulated, as that had been by the regulations and orders eftablished by their predecetlors. That the three orders fhould conduct their deliberations in feparate chambers, as had ever been the cafe, fince the third eftate had been first admitted to thofe convocations by Philip le Bell, in the year 1302; and that the three orders fhould confift of fomething near equal numbers, amounting to about 300 each. The notables, in giving this advice, only trod in the fieps of the parliament of Paris, which had before given its unqualified opinion in fupport of the principle of convoking the ftates general according to, the conftitution of 1614. This conduct of the parliament, which in other feafons would have been productive of all the applaufe which ufually attended their proceedings, upon this occafion produced a very different effect. The minds of men were now too much heated, and the new-fangled notions of government too widely fpread, to admit of their being at all fatisfied with thofe fecurities or conceffions, which would before have occafioned the greateft joy and triumph. All the former popular acts of that affembly, all the arduous conflicts which they had fuftained with the late administration, as well as that unconquerable courage and perfeverance which ended only with its downfal, were now at once forgotten; and thofe diftinguished members whofe zeal and fufferings had ranked them among the heroes and martyrs of patriotilm, were regarded, in the inflamed minds of the commons, as the contemptible tools of atiftocracy. This unexpected change in the public opinion was moft fenfibly felt by the parliament; who, in order to recover the affection of the people, aflembled with more than utual formality early in December, inviting at the fame time (o give the greater eclat to their proceedings) the attendance of the princes and peers. At this meeting they they iffued a piece, under the title of an arret on the present state of the nation, containing a number of refolutions, which feemed to include their ideas of the principal points of French liberty. It lays down, as a pofition not to be departed from, that no affembly could be confidered as truly national, which did not afcertain the following eflential points in favour of the people, namly, The periodical return of the ftates general:-No fubfidy to be allowed, under any pretence, that was not granted by the ftates :-No law to be executed by the courts of juftice which the ftates had not confented to: The fuppreffion of all thofe taxes that marked a diftinction between the orders; and their replacement by common fubfidies equally impofed on all :--The refponfibility of minifters:-The right of the ftates general to bring accufations before the courts of juftice for crimes that intereft the whole nation:The protection of the liberty of citizens, by obliging every man, detained in a royal prifon, to be put into the hands of his proper judges: And laftly, the lawful freedom of the prefs. -- Thefe provifions for eftablishing and preferving the rights and fecurity of the people, and the attainment of which, only a fmall time back, would have been confidered as prefenting a glorious Magna Charta of French freedom, and as forming a new epocha in the hiftory of that country, were now received not only with indifference, but with the greatest contempt. They fell fo far thort of the ideas of liberty and equality now fpread, that they could not be liftened to with patience the parliament of Paris was totally difappointed in the hope of recovering that popularity which it fo eargerly fought; and from this time continued to dwindle day after day into still lower degrees of infignificance, until it was at length totally laid afide, and all its paft exertions and confequence forgotten. In the mean time, the greatest jealoufy and diffention fubfifted between the different orders which were to compole the ftates. The third eftate, or commons, fo far from being fatisfied with the submiffion of the nobility to an equal taxation, and to contribute in future a due proportion in the raising of fubfidies, would overthrow all privileges whatever; and would not confider that as a conceffion which they claimed as an abfolute right. This idea of extinguishing all claims founded upon ancient ufage, compact, or privilege was carried fo far as to trench in fome respects upon private property, and in one inftance to affect the circumftances of a numerous order of the ftate, many of whom were among thofe the leaft able to bear fuch a lofs. For many of the lords had ages fince, whether upon principles of kindnefs or mutual utility, releafed their peasants from that state of vaffalage in which they were then held, and received certain fixed rents from them as a compenfation for their lands; but, under the prefent fcheme and philofophy of general equality, it was taught to be an intolerable grievance and oppreffion, to pay a price for the enjoyment of thofe rights and goods of nature to which every man was, as fuch, equally entitled. Several feudal rights and fervices were likewife ftill retained in moft or all lordships or manors, fome of which were |