munities. The grants for religious purposes annually amount to about 130,000l. Of these, 12,000l. are given to the Church of England, 20,000l. to the Church of Scotland, 20,000l. to the Church of Rome, for the Maynooth College, 40,000l. to Protestant dissenters, being principally Presbyterian ministers in Ireland, and 33,000l. to the Church of England in the colonies. What pro

portion these grants bear to the income of these religious parties it would be difficult to say. Some idea may be formed of the income of the Church of England by the value of the property belonging to the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, which is assumed to be from 30,000,000l. to 35,000,000l. Other religious parties have no other fund but the voluntary contributions of the people; which, however, are sufficiently liberal to enable them to build churches, to support their ministers, and to maintain their ecclesiastical ordinances with sufficient decorum and propriety.

CHAPTER XV.

PUBLIC AND CHARITABLE INSTITUTIONS.

THE claims of charity and human suffering are often

too urgent to meet a cold denial even from the most consistent economist. To alleviate the misery consequent upon the awful famine in Ireland in 1846-7, millions were granted, either as loans or gifts. Emergencies of such a nature often arise in this, as in all countries, sometimes from fires, and sometimes from famine or inundations. The State is also often called upon to assist, by public grants, efforts to improve the health of the people, and to provide for the alleviation of human suffering where benevolence and charity fail to subscribe the necessary amounts. The great objection to public grants for such purposes is the effect they may have in arresting the flow of private charities. Let it be once understood by any public institution that the support of the State will be forthcoming, and the energetic action of its officers to obtain the necessary supplies will soon relent. Such an issue in a country like this, where the power of amassing wealth is so great, would be much to be regretted.

The desire to do good, and to promote good works, is a powerful motive, we trust, with not a few of our merchant princes and others possessing wealth and in

fluence. Witness the recent foundation of a free library by a Liverpool merchant; witness the sumptuous contribution sent to the sufferers from inundation in France in 1853; witness the Patriotic Fund of 1856, and the large sum collected for Indian relief in 1857. These are noble examples of liberality.

Besides small sums annually voted for Toulonnese and Corsican emigrants, for Polish refugees, and for a Refuge for the Destitute, the principal grants under this head are for Irish hospitals and other charities and allowances in Ireland, amounting to about 28,000l. per annum. We should add, also, the sum of 7000l. spent by the Privy Council under the Public Health Act, including the vaccine establishment, and the charge of nearly 9000l. for the inspectors of lunatic asylums and Commissioners in Lunacy. With the growing prosperity of all classes in the United Kingdom we hope to witness a continuous and increasing amount of benevolence, and shall rejoice to see even Ireland, and Dublin especially, ceasing to draw from the public purse what the charity of private individuals should abundantly supply.

No

CHAPTER XVI.

PUBLIC WORKS.

O nation has ever deemed it inconsistent with the duties of the State to provide for the recreation, instruction, and convenience of the people, parks, gardens, and works of art, which shall reflect its rank and achievements in the annals of politics, philanthropy, science, and virtue. The Roman emperors, in the summit of their imperial greatness, laid the foundation of the colossal monuments which have for attracted the admiration of the world. Napoleon, whilst at the head of his victorious armies, struggling against armed Europe, did not neglect the embellishment of Paris, and invited the most renowned artists of Europe to adorn the streets of that capital and her palaces with their paintings, statues, and obelisks.

rages

In the United Kingdom seldom is any sum devoted to objects of luxury. Instruction and utility are the chief design of all our public buildings. The Houses of Parliament have already absorbed the enormous amount of 2,000,000l. Harbours of refuge have also demanded considerable grants, and larger sums are yet required for them. When we consider that the annual loss of property from casualties on our coasts is about 1,500,000l. and that the loss of life is not less than

1000 to 1500 per annum, it will be allowed that it becomes a most serious duty on the part of the Legislature to use every effort in order to lessen these national calamities. We are on the eve of another considerable item of public expenditure for the building of new Government Offices and a new National Gallery. What sums may be required for them it is too soon to prognosticate.

The expenditure under this head amounts now to nigh 700,000l. per annum, being considerably more than the sum spent for such purposes ten years ago, the increase being entirely for harbours of refuge.

The votes for public works and buildings, during the last twenty-five years, have been as follows: