APPENDIX E A LIST OF THE FIFTY-THREE PRINCIPAL CANALS IN THE UNITED STATES IN 1850, AT THE CLOSE OF THE EARLY CANAL-BUILDING EPOCH THEIR INDIVIDUAL LENGTHS AND TOTAL MILEAGE THE CITIES JOINED BY THEM SEVENTEEN STATES, FROM MAINE IN THE EAST TO LOUISIANA IN THE SOUTH AND ILLINOIS IN THE WEST, POSSESSED SUCH FACILITIES OF COMMUNICATION APPENDIX F SEWARD'S ADDRESS AT THE BEGINNING OF THE AUBURN AND OWASCO CANAL IN 1835 — INTERSECTIONAL JEALOUSIES INTERFERE WITH - PRE THE CREATION OF BETTER COMMUNICATION FACILITIES THEM APPENDIX G FIGURES SHOWING THE EXTENT, METHOD OF ACQUIREMENT, COST AND USE OF THE PUBLIC DOMAIN IN 1826, AFTER HALF A CENTURY OF NATIONAL EXISTENCE 214,000,000 ACRES OF LAND BOUGHT FROM THE NATIVES AT A COST OF ABOUT $3,400,000— AVERAGE COST OF SUCH LAND ABOUT THREE CENTS AN ACRE GOVERNMENTAL SALES OF LAND TO WHITE MEN HAD AMOUNTED TO LESS THAN 20,000,000 ACRES RECEIPTS FROM THOSE SALES, $40,000,000 NUMBER OF INDIANS THEN IN ORGANIZED STATES AND TERRITORIES WITH AMOUNT OF LAND CLAIMED BY THEM 750,000,000 ACRES IN THE WEST STILL REMAINED LARGELY UNDER STATEMENTS MADE BY CAUCASIAN HISTORIANS BETWEEN 1643 AND 1847 REGARDING THE CHARACTER, DESIRES, CAPACITY AND ATTITUDE OF THE EASTERN AMERICAN NATIVES, THE ATTITUDE OF THE WHITES TOWARD THEM, AND THE PURPOSES, METHODS AND RESULTS OF THE WHITE POLICY APPENDIX I A CAUCASIAN ESTIMATE OF THE CHARACTER OF TECUMSEH, CONTAINED IN A LETTER PUBLISHED BY AN INDIANA NEWSPAPER IN 1820 APPENDIX J AN INDIAN STATE DOCUMENT OF 1828 MESSAGE OF THE DUAL EXECUTIVES OF THE CHEROKEE NATION TO THE CHEROKEE GENERAL COUNCIL EXAMPLE OF THE MOST ADVANCED PROGRESS MADE BY INDIANS UNDER THEIR OWN CONSTITUTIONAL GOVERNMENT AND INDEPENDENCE THE CLAIMS OF GEORGIA ANALYZED AND ANSWERED — VIEWS OF AN INDIAN REPUBLIC ON THE SUBJECTS OF THE FRANCHISE, MORALITY, THE JUDICIARY, COURT PROCEDURE, A FREE PRESS, FINANCE, EDUCATION, INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES AND OTHER MATTERS OF GENERAL PUBLIC INTEREST APPENDIX K THE WESTWARD MIGRATIONS OF 1849 - A STATEMENT, IN THE FORM OF A CATECHISM, GIVING INFORMATION TO AN INTENDING EMIGRANT CONCERNING THE EQUIPMENT THEN NECESSARY IN TRAVELLING FROM THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY TO CALIFORNIA ADVICE ABOUT HIS WAGONS, HIS LIVE STOCK, HIS PROVISIONS, HIS WEAPONS AND THE ROUTE TO BE FOLLOWED APPENDIX L A LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL OVERLAND TRAVEL ROUTES BETWEEN THE MISSISSIPPI VALLEY AND THE PACIFIC COAST, AS USED BY CARAVAN TRAVEL FROM ABOUT 1849 To 1868 APPENDIX M THE UNPUBLISHED MANUSCRIPT DIARY OF A MAN WHO TRAVELLED TO CALIFORNIA IN 1849- LIFE ON AND NEAR THE SANTA FÉ TRAIL INTIMATE REVELATIONS REGARDING THE DAILY AFFAIRS OF AN AND NATIVE WESTERN INDIANS FUN AT THE EXPENSE OF NEW BAD FEELING CROPS OUT AND FIGHTS OCCUR DIGGING CAVES TO ESCAPE HAILSTORMS ARRIVAL AT SANTA LOST IN THE MOUNTAINS CARRYING A WOUNDED MAN ON A LITTER SUFFERING FOR WANT OF WATER GOLD AT LAST FÉ APPENDIX A A list of ninety-five of the early railways of the United States, together with certain information relating to their organization, first use by the public, length, cost, and source of income is here given. In order that the value of such records might be extracted from them it was necessary to group the facts in tabular form, in the shape of statistics. For that reason they could not well be introduced into the body of these volumes. Yet the apparently prosaic figures of the following tables reveal several phases of the early railroad history of the country with a clearness not to be obtained in any other way. The aggregate length of the ninety-five roads considered is three thousand nine hundred and thirteen miles. But two of them-the Baltimore and Ohio and the Erie-were enterprises born of broad vision. They were the only instances in which early American railways on the verge of construction were conceived and planned, from the first, as important arteries of general commerce designed to connect separated sections of the country. The average length of the ninety-five roads, including the Baltimore and Ohio and the Erie, was forty-one and one-fifth miles. Without those two railways the average length of the remaining ninety-three was less than thirty-four miles. In other words the first railroads of the country, as actually planned and constructed, were merely neighborhood conveniences built to join localities, towns or cities that lay close to one another-often only a short distance apart. In thirty-two of these cases the places connected were separated by a distance of less than twenty miles. The building of a railroad was sometimes the result of local pride. One town would decide to construct such a highway because a rival town had begun a like task. There was at first no coöperation among those who undertook the work. A railroad would begin somewhere, run a few miles and end somewhere else, with no prior plan or purpose to have it connect with a similar construction. Finally, after a number of small and disconnected railways had appeared in some region, the several links that would hitch them all together were laid down. And even then it often happened that the links were of different widths, or gauges, which of course made uninterrupted conveyance of people or goods an impossibility. It was eleven years after the introduction of railways in New York before the important chain of neighboring cities between Albany and Buffalo were finally connected by several iron roads that had all been built as separate pieces of work. As has previously been said, both the early dreamers and the general public had considered the new subject of railways chiefly in terms of speed and human convenience. But the men with money, by whose coöperation only could railroad building be begun, refused to invest their funds for the purpose of facilitating public travel. Their habit of mind was to consider the making, movement and sale of commodities, and it was in connection with those purposes that they at last consented to give their support to the revolutionary transportation method. The records indicate they were in error, and that their action in investing money for the building of short railways between near-by towns in the belief that such highways would be profitable as carriers of goods. was an exhibition of poor business judgment. But the investments were saved, in their early and critical stage, by the general desire for human travel to which so little attention had been given. From the very first days of their operation the main reliance of the new railroads lay in passenger traffic, and the records indicate that an overwhelming preponderance of railway income was for years obtained from that source. The facts show, as was said in the text, that America's railways were children of the spirit of conquest and the demand for wider, swifter movement, even though the financial nurses who coddled them were blind to their parentage. Although the general situation as here stated is apparent from the appended tables, there were certain instances wherein the conditions under discussion were especially noticeable and easily traced, and onein Pennsylvania-in which unique local conditions brought about a temporary exception to the prevailing rule. In Maryland, for instance, it will be seen that a little road of thirty miles in length, called the Washington Branch Railway, came into use in 1835. Its opening was the only new element of the year in the Maryland railroad situation. During the first twelve months following its use the freight receipts. of all the iron highways of the state increased by about $8,400 and the annual income from human travel jumped $139,000. A similar incident is to be found in the Massachusetts conditions of 1840. The Western Railroad had begun business the year before, and while the freight income of all the Massachusetts railways showed a gain of about $51,000 for the year, the money derived from transporting passengers increased by some $148,000. Again, in New York, there was a striking example of the same state of affairs due to the opening of 89 miles of new road in 1835. The following twelvemonth showed a gain in New York's aggregate passenger income of more than $200,000, |