captors. We rejoice at this decision, which will effectually stop the speculations in human flesh. Wherever a slave-ship is seen, our oppressed fellow-creatures may be set free by an English ship, unless the slave ship is expressly authorised by the laws of the country, whose colours it bears, to carry on this iniquitous traffic.

expected a bold and decisive measure. We expected, that he would get rid entirely of his custom-house, and custom-house officers, and make his empire, with the kingdoms dependent upon it, one grand free port. This would be a greater blow upon the commercial system of other nations than any of his late puny efforts, and would produce a change in the world as important almost as the conversion of monasteries to buildings for useful industry.

But

inspect, in person, the improvements
for its welfare. The chief object,
doubtless, will be his dock-yards, and
probably these have occasioned his
measures on the duties. He must
have money. This he expects from
commerce. From it he expects to
build ships, and with them to destroy
our navy and our commerce.
the fate of his brother Louis excites
some commiseration: he has pub-
lished a manifesto of his conduct,
which developes the tyranny of the
great Emperor, and events in his fa-
mily, which must disquiet its peace.
The unfortunate king is retired into
Germany, and is said to have taken
up his abode in Saxony. There it is
evident he cannot live without the
consent of his brother; and, when a
tyrant is offended, it is not safe to be
within the reach of his arm.

Foreign politics afford ample field for reflection. Bonaparte, the enemy of commerce, relaxes. He has issued a new decree, and a new scale of duties on the introduction of foreign com.. As Holland is now joined to France, modities. The rush of goods will of it is said that the Emperor is to pay course be immense towards France, a visit to his new acquisition, and to and the enormous duties will not pre, vent their consumption. Bonaparte seems to have taken a lesson from Mr. Pitt upon this subject, and it is a kind of instruction which insinuates itself very easily into the mind of a minister. What can be easier than to say, port-wine shall pay twenty pound, thirty pound, forty pound, fifty pound, &c. per pipe, on admission into the country; or sugar shall pay so much per hundred weight. Either the people will buy or they will not. If they do not, the government is only where it was before; if it does, the government must be a gainer; and though it may not gain to the amount of its wishes, it will find out, by degrees, the best mode of draining the pockets of its subjects. But the poli ticians on this side of the water form very erroneous judgments on the French new customs. They think, that, because sugar will be somewhat more than twice as much a pound than it is here, there will be no consumers: but they do not consider that, if we take two families, one in France, the other in England, which consume the same quantity of bread, meat, and sugar; the French family will, notwithstanding the high price of sugar, live at less than two thirds of the rufe of the English family in these articles, and out of the rest of their income will pay less to government, and besides procure the other comforts of life at a much cheaper rate. That Bonaparte should fix high duties is of trifling import; every petty politician can do the same: but we confess we have for some time looked for a very different conduct from him, and, from the greatness of his mind,

Germany is. tranquil. Denmark, it is said, proposes its king to the diet in Sweden, to unite the north under one head. Such a union might be useful, if the inveterate animosity between the Danes and Swedes would permit it. But the papers announced the probability of another candidate, and the journey of the deposed king from Switzerland to the confines of Prussia countenances it. He probably looks for some partizans in the diet: yet with what prospect of advantage to any one could be the restoration of such a sovereign? The diet is sitting: but we wait for an account of its proceedings. We do not know sufficiently the nature of its members, the price. of a seat in the diet, the prospects of the candidates, the influence of the ministry, and those other minutiæ, which might be brought to an easy

the hopes of the Spanish nation at Cadiz.

The Junta at Cadiz has published a spirited proclamation on the election of members to the Cortez. They speak truths, which it is jacobinical to utter in England. The oppressor of human nature, say they, would not have advanced so far in his attempt at universal despotism, if the na

the real good and benefit of the people, which has not already been anticipated by the French? Will they have the courage to declare the press free; to abolish useless monasteries; protest against the inquisition; restore the injured rights of conscience? If they do these things, what support will they have from that body which resists the French, and yet hugs the

tions under his iron sway had known chains of ecclesiastical domination?

how to maintain the dignity of men. We are fearful that the day is past for and citizens, a knowledge which con- Spain to act for itself. The power of stitutes the vigour and strength of the Cortez will spend itself in Cadiz; empire. Let not intrigue and seduc- we hope that it may not excite discou tion surprise you in the very asylum tent. To deliver a country great of your liberty, dictating to you the minds are wanted, and the old Spaselection, which ought to be the un- nish system was efficacious in destroybiassed exercise of your wiil and plea- ing that energy which is requisite sure. Favour, friendship, rank, and when a kingdom is in danger. This property, give no title; and it is not is a good lesson to all corrupt governby men possessing these that the coun- ments, but, like many other lessons, try is to be saved. Patriotism, talent, will be thrown away. merit, proved by experience, claim But, if old Spain now suffers the your attention. He who solicits your effects of its pernicious policy, and votes, and employs artifices to attract the abominable wickedness of its inpublic approbation, estimates at a low quisition, great hopes are excited that rate the independence of a generous its new world will be emancipated people, and ought to be marked by from its chains. The Caraccas have you as a suspicious character. Such set a noble example; and, if they pursentiments as these will be derided in sue the system laid down, they may England. We understand election defy every opposition to their inderepresentation much better. We pendence. The representative system know the value of a seat in parliament, is the basis of their new government, and can calculate precisely the qualities of voters. And Englishmen love that it should be so. They can see, with pleasure, a few stones or miserable cottages qualified to send members to their assembly. To such men how can the language of the Spanish proclamation be addressed? Prevent all corrupt interference in the choice of your members, and recollect that, if ye are unfaithful, ye will do all in your power to promote the eternal disgrace of your posterity.

This fine language would have been of use when each district could assemble to choose its representatives, But from what quarters are they now to come? Two-thirds of the country are in possession of the French, and of the rest few places have the opportunity of acting as the case requires. When the Cortez is assembled on the isle of Leon, how will the Junta like the restraints upon its authority?— What measures can be agitatedWhat places will be obedient to their resolves? What can they dictate for

and the arming of the people is to be its defence. Each district is to have its regiment or company, and each company is to elect its own officers. They are to exercise frequently, and to learn the use of weapons, agreeably to the old Saxon law, which supposed that every Englishman should have arms in his house, and be expert in the use of them. When this was the case, it was apprehended that there would be no danger from a foreign enemy, and the disturbers of the public peace would be checked with ease. cannot doubt that the new experiments to be made in government in these parts of the world will be of use, and that at any rate they will not long be the dupes of European politics.

We

At Buenos Ayres, the other extremity of South America, similar measures have been adopted. The old authorities have been deposed, and the representatives are summoned to deliberate on the measures to he adopted in this important crisis. The

flame will run through the whole of The results on the trade and politics the Spanish colonies; and, after they of the old cannot be estimated. If it have established their governments, tends to the improvement of manit will not be easy for the mother country, whether under a Bourbon or a Napoleon, to bring them back to their former state of ignorance, superstition, and dependence A new scene is opening in the new world.

kind, we shall rejoice; and if Europe is doomed to sink, like Minor Asia, into obscurity and barbarity, we shall rejoice in the hope that civilisation and liberty may create new benefits in another hemisphere.

BOOKS PUBLISHED, AUGUST 1810.

As this Department will be of great Importance to AUTHORS and BOOKSELLERS, as well as to Literature in general, it is requested that NOTICES of Works may be forwarded as early as possible (free of Postage,) which will be regularly inserted.

A short Treatise on Family Settlements and Devises. By T. Keating, Esq. 8vo.

5s.

A Treatise on the Statute of Limitations. By W. Ballantine, Esq. 8vo. 7s. 6d.

A Report of the Trial of an Indictment, the King against B. Tanner and Capt. N. Tomlinson, of the Royal Navy, for Forgery. By T. Jenkin. Is.

The Trial, at Large of an Action brought by E. L. Loveden, Esq. against T. K. Barker, Esq. for criminal Conversation with Mrs. Loveden: Damages laid at 10,000l. Taken in Short-hand by Mr. Gurney.

MISCELLANEOUS.

Reply of General Sarrazin to the Narrative made by General Clarke, Minister of War to Bonaparte. 1s.

The Defence of Lieut. Col. J. Bell, of the 1st Battalion of Madras Artillery, on his Trial at Bangalore before a General Court Martial, as it was read in Court by his Counsel, C. Marsh, Esq. 3s.

An Account of the Sacrifices made, and the Sufferings experienced, by the valiant Inhabitants of the Tyrol and Voralberg during the last and preceding War; with a Sketch of the Military Events in those Countries. By Major C. Muller. Is. Gd.

Observations on Milford Haven; in a Letter to the Right Hou. Lord Viscount Melville, in Reply to some Allusions to that Haven which appeared in his Lordship's Letter to the

Infantry, calculated for the effectual Resistance of Cavalry, and for attack. ing them successfully on new Princi ples of Tactics. By the Chevalier The Danger of Scarcity guarded Duteil. Tanslated from the French against, by Economy and Improve- by J. Macdonald, Esq. F.R.S. 8vo. ment in the Art of Bread making. 7s. 6d. 3s. 6d.