[Conduct of France.-Rebellion at Hattem and defeat of the insurgents.] ment of its purposes: and prudently forbore any intimaton of the measures which Prussia would pursue, should the letter not produce the intended effects. This representation made a very strong impression on the states of five of the provinces; Holland and West Friezeland vehemently protested against foreign interference; but while they reprobated the interposition of a potentate hostile to their faction, they closely connected themselves with a power that was friendly to the anti-stadtholderian party. The court of Versailles skilfully fanned the flame of discontent by subordinate agents, but her public memorials were couched in so equivocal terms as to admit of different and even contrary constructions and carefully abstained from pledging France to any specific line of conduct. The faction, however, was well assured of the support of France and by that expectation inflamed to the most insolent violence : : they seemed indeed not only to cast off all obedience to their own laws, but every regard to the law of nations. A courier from Berlin to London was stopped and narrowly escaped having his despatches examined by the populace of Woerden. This outrage obliged the count de Goertz formally to demand a passport from the states-general for a courier he was sending with despatches to his royal master. The states which were in the interest of the Orange family strongly remonstrated against the turbulent outrages of Holland, but found their interference made no impression; the standard of rebellion at length was hoisted at Hattem and Elbourg: the states of Guelderland, at the frontiers of which these towns are situated, determined to employ force in repressing revolt: they charged the prince stadtholder, as captain-general, immediately to send a sufficient number of troops under the conduct of an experienced officer, to these scenes of disturbance, with injunctions to continue there until further orders: but that if the inhabitants were to make any resistance to the performance of this service, such officer was authorised, in spite of all obstacles, to support the sovereign authority of their noble mightinesses, by proceeding to force and violence in the establishment of the garrisons. General Spengler, with four regiments, and proper artillery, was appointed by the stadtholder to this service, with strict injunctions, if possible, to avoid the shedding of blood. The armed burghers of Hattem, being re-enforced by as many volunteers as money or party zeal could procure from different quarters, exhibited a great parade of making a most obstinate resistance. Their cannon were mounted on the walls and works; and on the approach of the stadtholder's little army, as they called the regular forces by way of contempt, they fired several rounds of artillery with great briskness, but with so defective judgment in the direction, as not to produce the smallest effect. As soon as Spengler arrived within a proper distance, in order to do the least possible mischief, he pointed his artillery at the chimneys and tops of the houses only; this, however, along with the bold advance and near approach of the troops, soon produced the desired effect; the armed burghers, with their adherents and auxiliaries, abandoned the town; and Spengler's men entered at one gate as they were retiring through another. Elbourg was relinquished in the same manner, and with still less trouble.* The faction commanded all the public papers, and represented the trifling affair at Hattem as a signal display of republican heroism, worthy of the

• See Annual Register for 1786, p. 87.

[Interposition of foreign powers.-Power of the democratic party.] descendants of those bands which had risen to vindicate their liberty from Alva and Philip; they could have completely routed the soldiers of Orange, but patriotic as well as valiant, they were willing to spare the effusion of the blood of their countrymen. In the same style of delusion, nothing could be more shocking or deplorable than the accounts which they published of the enormities, the plunder, and cruelties, committed by the troops who gained possession of Hattem and Elbourg. The capture of the two towns was represented by the faction as the actual commencement of civil war; and nothing was to be heard but execrations, as well against the states of Gueldres, as the prince stadtholder. In the province of Holland especially, the flames seemed to be blown up nearly to the greatest height at which they were capable of arriving. All regard to forms was now laid aside in completing the disposition by force, of those magistrates, senators, and members of the respective town councils, who were known or suspected to be of the opposite party. Towards the close of 1786, the fortune of the house of Orange appeared to be entirely fallen; but external efforts were made in its favour, which proved ultimately successful. The king of Prussia was incessant in his endeavours to promote all such measures of conciliation, as could in any degree tend to prevent those unpleasant and dangerous consequences, which the present state of things, and the violence of the republican party could not otherwise fail to produce. For the attainment of this purpose he showed himself disposed to try any means, however unpromising, and to coincide with any interests, however discordant, that afforded even a possibility of success.

The court of London offered its joint mediation with Berlin; but the faction, aware of the predilection of Britain for the interest of the stadtholder, as well as the family of Orange, totally refused her mediation. The king of Prussia therefore proposed that France, the avowed friend, and close ally of the republic, should, along with himself, undertake the kind office, but arduous task, of settling and composing the differences by which it was distracted. The court of France professed to receive these overtures with the warmest cordiality; and an ambassador was sent to the Hague for the purpose desired. Though such movements wore the appearance of returning tranquillity, yet it was easily seen that the actual conciliation of the contending parties was very improbable. France, it was conceived, would never really coincide with the king of Prussia in restoring the stadtholder to his power, which the faction regarded with bitter hatred; the king of Prussia would not sacrifice to France the interests of the prince of Orange, by making such concessions as the adverse combination would require. The ministers, however, of France and Prussia entered upon the negotiation, which was carried on during the winter months; and though the mediators had agreed in their views and intentions, the objects and notions of the parties concerned were so diametrically opposite, that it would be totally impossible to satisfy both. While contests, begun by an aristocratic faction, were thus distracting the United Provinces, the democratical party, which, as we have seen, the dissensions generated, was becoming extremely powerful. In Utrecht, government entirely democratical, was established; and in Holland the states found that in stimulating the efforts of the populace, they had called in an auxiliary more formidable than the adversary whom they desired to subdue the violence and anarchy of mob government

[Attempt to suspend the office of Stadtholder.-Revolutionary proceedings.] now prevailed throughout the provinces. It sometimes fortunately happens, that the desultory efforts of a domineering populace, from unskilful direction, produce effects diametrically opposite to the intentions. The city of Amsterdam from the beginning had been the bitterest and most implacable of the stadtholder's enemies; so that it seemed as if all the violent measures pursued against him had originated in the pride, malice, and power of those citizens: but Amsterdam suddenly changed sides, and declared in favour of the stadtholder. To detail the causes of this revolution, belongs not to a history which considers the affairs of the United Provinces, only as they affected the interests, or came to stimulate the energies of Britain; and it may suffice to say, that the change produced great alarm in the anti-stadtholderian faction, and eventually facilitated the re-establishment of the house of Orange. The defection of Amsterdam could not but excite an universal alarm among the leaders of the revolutionary party, and urged them to the adoption of every measure that could possibly tend to counteract its effect: for this purpose they proceeded to very violent conduct; and at length resolved to propose a daring measure, which, though they had often meditated, they had not yet ventured to carry into execution; this was the suspension of the prince of Orange from his offices of stadtholder and admiral-general, in the same manner they had already succeeded in suspending him from his command of captain-general. This question was brought forward on the 10th of January, 1787, and for two succeeding days occasioned the warmest and most violent debates that had ever been known in the assembly. The proposers, however, found the opposition so formidable, and the aspect of the independent members so doubtful, that they did not choose to hazard the decision of a vote on the question.

Defeated in this attempt, the faction attempted a new fabrication of votes; but the project was treated with indignant resentment and scorn. The states of Holland, deprived of the co-operation of Amsterdam, and thwarted in schemes of violence, began in spring 1787, to assume a moderate tone, and to adopt measures very disagreeable to the violent leaders of the adverse faction; the cause of the stadtholder became popular, even in the province of Holland. The aristocratic confederates hitherto, as much as possible, repressed the ambition of the democratical malcontents: but now they saw that there was no alternative but acquiescence in their claim, or submission to the stadtholder on the former they resolved, and called in the armed burghers as their instruments in revolutionizing the state. Such reformers proceeded with the usual fury of a democratic mob. They attacked the assemblies of Rotterdam and other towns, and to produce unanimity drove away by force every member whom they knew or suspected to be friendly to the house of Orange, or enemies to boundless innovation. Encouraged by their success, they carried their reforming projects to Amsterdam; and effected a similar change in the metropolis. During antecedent disorders, the states-general had observed strict impartiality; and it could not be discovered to which side they inclined; but now that an armed mob threatened confusion and anarchy, they thought it was full time to rally round the constituted authorities, in whose downfall their own ruin must be involved.

In May, 1787, they avowed themselves the defenders of the existing establishments; and now it was no longer a contest between the house of

[Army attached to the prince.-Arrest of the princess.]

Orange and a party of nobles, but between constitutional order and revolutionary rebellion. The armed populace having forcibly restored the majority of malcontents in the states of Holland, that body assumed to itself powers that could only belong to the states-general. Among the respective partisans frequent skirmishes took place, not without bloodshed. The revolutionary democrats did not confine themselves to personal outrage and savage cruelty, but added robbery: the richest towns of that very opulent country became scenes of pillage.* In the course of the summer, Amsterdam was a scene of more dreadful devastation than any European metropolis had exhibited during the preceding part of the eighteenth century; it indeed afforded a specimen to the world of the consequences of a furious love of change, which entirely overleaped every bound of reason and of justice. The states of Holland were extremely anxious to obtain a command of the troops; and the states-general with equal activity, and much greater effect, counteracted these efforts; this, indeed, was the less difficult, as the disposition of the army continued very favourable to the family of Orange; many, both of officers and privates, refused to obey the orders of the provincial states, and ardently desired the restitution of the stadtholder. The states-general very properly encouraged this repugnance to usurped authority, and took the troops into immediate protection and pay. Colonel Balneavis, a Scottish gentleman of great ability and resolution, by his successful address was the means of recalling the military force of Holland to the service of their prince. Possessing the affection and confidence of the soldiers, he carried with him two battalions to join the stadtholder, and the other regiments immediately followed so laudable an example. But the departure of their troops, instead of intimidating the states of Holland, served only to drive them to more desperate violence.

Amidst all the rage which the revolutionists vented against the government of the house of Orange, the persons of these princes had not hitherto been violated; but the infatuated fury of a mob no longer confined itself within these bounds. The consort of the stadtholder was a princess of vigorous capacity, and intrepid spirit: from the justice of the cause, as well as the late accessions to the party, she conceived that the hour of restoration was approaching, and might be accelerated by a bold and resolute effort. She accordingly determined to leave Nimeguen, unaccompanied by her husband; to proceed to the Hague and show herself to the people; she hoped, through the states-general, and other adherents, corporate and private, to effect the restoration of the prince. Accompanied only by the baroness Wassanaar, count Bentick, and a field officer or two, and attended by a few domestics, the princess arrived at the borders of Holland, near Schoonhoven. Since the departure of the constitutional troops, the revolutionary burghers composed the sole military force of Holland: a party of these surrounded the carriage, and arrested the person of the princess. The commander of this notable troop was altogether worthy of such a corps; a vulgar and ignorant† burgher; and by unmerited authority elated to insolence, this person and his band behaved with brutal irreverence; they conducted the illustrious captive as a spectacle, with all the coarse vociferation of an exulting rab

Annual Register, 1787, chap. i.

See Annual Register for 787, p. 32.

Interference of the King of Prussia.

ble: even when their barbarous dissonance startled the horses, and almost overturned her carriage in a canal, they would not permit the gentlemen of the suite to afford her assistance. At length they arrived at an inn; the gallant captain accompanied the princess to her room: regardless of the presence of a lady, this municipal commander kept his sword drawn; but her attendants representing the impropriety of such an exhibition, he complaisantly returned it to the scabbard: after this effort of politeness, he sat down by her side, cross-legged, and at the same time ordering beer, pipes, and tobacco, enjoyed a comfortable regale, but without being seduced by such appropriate pleasure to intermit the vigilance* of official employment.

After being confined several hours, commissioners arrived from the town of Woerden, who expressly told the princess she would not be allowed to continue the journey, but she might retire wherever she chose; accordingly she set out on her return to Nimeguen: the prince, informed of her capture, applied to the states-general for protection to his consort, and satisfaction for so gross and outrageous an insult; and his representation was seconded by a much more powerful applicant: the conduct of the revolutionists towards the princess was attended with very important consequences. Hitherto the king of Prussia had acted towards the United Provinces as a mediating neighbour between the two parties: though naturally, and indeed avowedly, favourable to one, he had never intimated a design of forcible interference; but from the seizure of the princess, his relation to the provinces was changed: he was now a powerful brother demanding reparation to a sister; a mighty monarch requiring the satisfaction which he could exact. He sent a memorial to the states of Holland, wherein he insisted upon immediate and ample atonement, and also the punishment of the perpetrators: he, moreover, added, that he should estimate the value which they attached to his friendship, by their compliance with this requisition. Before this memorial arrived, the states of Holland had expressed their approbation of the conduct of the persons who had seized the princess: they returned a long and laboured answer; but acknowledged no blame, and proffered no satisfaction. The stubborn injustice of the states of Holland was contrasted by the fair and liberal conduct of the states-general, to whom the king of Prussia had also applied: that assembly declared, that they had made repeated representations to the provincial meeting of Holland on this outrageous insult; that those states themselves must be entirely responsible for measures, in regretting and reprobating which their high mightinesses perfectly agreed with his Prussian majesty. Frederick was determined to enforce from the states of Holland the satisfaction which they had refused to his requisition: meanwhile he repeated his demand in indignant and peremptory terms, and made a representation of their proceedings to the court of France, to which the faction chiefly trusted. His christian majesty expressed to the states very strong disapprobation of the treatment which the princess had experienced; and declared he thought the king of Prussia very fully justified in demanding ample satisfaction.

The Annual Register mentions some very laughable instances of the assi duity with which the Dutch sentinels kept watch, to prevent female attendants from effecting their escape: see A. R. p. 33.

† See State Papers, August 6, 1787.